The formation of the modern European Union did not occur at a single identifiable point in time, but rather through a gradual process over several decades that some now claim has progressed too far. This sentiment is particularly audible in the United Kingdom, where controversy regarding the nation’s membership in the EU is substantial and a notable degree of euro-skepticism persists in the electorate.
The EU may benefit Britain economically; however, it has expanded its competences to include broader scopes of political and fiscal integration, areas where the UK is reluctant to forsake its national sovereignty. Therefore, the British have found themselves in a contradiction; the international body they originally joined no longer exists and they must now choose between two imperfect options.
Until now they seem to have avoided this decision, but as the fiscal crisis forces the EU to integrate further and faster than ever before, they will not be able to avoid the fork in the road much longer. These doubts are not seen to such a degree anywhere else in the EU where European integration, while not always facile, is at the very least accepted and often encouraged. The more prudent approach to European integration in the UK has resulted in ambivalent, confusing messages to the international political sphere.
Due to its complexity, intergovernmental nature, lack of saliency, and high degree of separation from the citizenry, European integration and public opinion regarding it are often shaped by national parties and political elites.[1] [2] Rather than paying the necessary attention to determine the costs and benefits of EU membership, citizens often choose to simply adopt the positions of their preferred political parties.[3] As a result, the clarity and strength of party positions on integration are among the most important factors in a national populace’s view towards the EU. Consequently, national electorates determine actions in regards to the EU.
European integration often cross-cuts the standard cleavages around which most national party systems have formed, leaving traditional party structures ill-prepared to approach the issue.[4] [5] This is especially true in the UK, where parties are rife with internal divisions with regard to the EU; no party has a clear position, with each party holding members calling for more integration, less integration, a stasis of integration at its current place, or a departure from the EU altogether. The exception being the United Kingdom Independence Party, a single-issue party united in its desire to completely withdraw from the Union.[6] Due to the few-party system in the UK, party politicians in the nation speak for themselves rather than their respective party to a much greater degree than in many other European nations. While it is still relatively uncommon, politicians are occasionally permitted to speak against the party line. This circumstance is exacerbated when there is no official party line.
With no single voice speaking for each party, citizens of the UK are lacking the source of guidance that so many other European citizens rely upon. This has led to a divided nation with 45 percent holding a favorable view of the EU.[7] Only 42 percent of British citizens feel that they are also citizens of the EU, well below the Union-wide average of 61 percent.[8] Citizens do not feel united with Europe, yet nor do they feel separate from it. Germany, where parties are in relative consensus on the issue, provides a stark contrast, with polls showing that 74 percent of Germans feel that they are EU citizens.[9] This enthusiasm for European integration has allowed Germany to act with a clear purpose and become a dominant regional leader.
The United Kingdom is currently at a crossroads with one side facing pressure both internally and externally to leave the European Union, and the other side enduring a pressure to fully commit and become a dedicated member. Currently, they are in a somewhat suspended state of integration, being a signatory to all the treaties, but with several opt-outs and exceptions in their name. They subscribe to the single market and certain social policies, yet are not members of the Schengen Area* or the Euro Zone**. The UK’s ambiguity has led to a loss of British influence in Europe and harmed its image abroad.
This position is not sustainable. If the UK continues to hold back while the rest of Europe further integrates, they risk being marginalized from its potential benefits if it choses or not. The current fiscal crisis is forcing political integration at an accelerated rate, and the Union is holding new summits to plan exactly that. Rather than contributing to these discussions or showing a willingness to integrate with Europe, Britain is often seen as an obstructionist presence at the talks, and yet they insist on being included anyway. Several EU leaders have begun to indicate a desire to simply proceed without them if they will not cooperate with their agenda.[10] This could leave the UK in a vulnerable position where they are still bound by EU law, but have no say in crafting it.
The UK must clarify where it stands before this financial crisis is resolved if it wishes to revive its powerful position on the European stage. Currently, 36 percent of British citizens think the UK should stay in the EU, but only as a member of the free trade area, 18 percent want to keep everything as it is without reducing or furthering integration, 14 percent say the UK should stay in the EU and participate in further integration, and nearly a third think Britain should leave.[11] Approximately 90 percent of the UK is dissatisfied with its current position and desires a radical course of action. A unified approach must be determined before the consequences of inaction consume the UK’s already waning political leverage.
A strong first step towards this goal would be to clarify where parties and political elites stand so that parties can educate their constituents on how different options will affect them. On January 23, 2013, the British Prime Minister David Cameron announced plans to hold a public referendum on the UK’s EU membership sometime after the 2015 election.[12] This referendum, if executed properly and preceded by a sizable educational campaign, would compel the national parties to officially decide where they stand.
The EU is likely to emerge from the current fiscal crisis as a very different organization. The current talks on the fiscal crisis involve new organizational structures, new EU powers, and indeed, a new treaty. As these discussions ultimately bring Europe closer, the UK hesitates to willfully adapt to a new level of regionalization; however, this disconnected future is by no means certain, especially if the British Conservatives are unable to renegotiate UK’s membership, as they so wish. Additionally, to hold the referendum before the election is clear would be a mistake. The vote is at least a year away. Perhaps by then Britons will have a better idea of how they plan to vote. If they do not, a referendum will provide national leaders with little guidance on how to approach the issue and could lead to Britain making a decision it later regrets.
If held at an appropriate time, the referendum could be a useful tool for the UK to make a decision on Europe. It would force British parties and their respective supporters to take a stance on the UK’s role in the EU. A definitive up-or-down vote would require parties and candidates to campaign on the issue and educate voters of the conditions.
As they write their platforms for 2015, parties will need to include an official position on the referendum, and therefore, even if only indirectly, an official position on the EU. Already, we see a stronger effort to formulate party positions. Cameron’s own Conservative party announced its 2015 campaign platform, which will include a tentative call to stay in the Union, as well as a promise to renegotiate Britain’s membership in the EU before the referendum is held; however, it has not provided details on the specific features of this renegotiation.[13]
It is also argued by some member states that the UK should not be allowed to follow this path where they pick and choose components of the Union in which they wish to participate.[14] Still, the fact that they are developing a more concise stance on Europe is a sign of progress, and as the vote approaches, all parties will likely become more organized behind a single position.
Germany’s leadership in the EU is likely to continue at least until the Euro crisis is resolved. The editorial board of one British newspaper acknowledges that the Germans are the only ones who can do it for the time being, their reasoning based in the belief that only Germany is large enough, rich enough, and most importantly, European enough to perform the task. They concede that the truly European identity embraced by the Germans, and the faith in the EU that this identity provides, puts them in a unique position to lead Europe out of the crisis.[15] Still, if used correctly, the British referendum could provide an explicit direction for those leading the UK, allow the country to have a real discussion on the issue, and eventually move towards the degree of internal agreement we see today in Germany, ultimately enabling it to pursue its own national and regional ambitions through one, unified plan.
*Common Travel Area
**Monetary Union
Scott Boyle
Political Science ’15
[1] “National Political Parties and European Integration”
Gary Marks, Carole J. Wilson and Leonard Ray
American Journal of Political Science , Vol. 46, No. 3 (Jul., 2002), pp. 585-594
[2] “When Parties Matter: The Conditional Influence of Party Positions on Voter Opinions about European Integration”
Leonard Ray
The Journal of Politics, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Nov., 2003), pp. 978-994
[3] ibid.
[4] “The past in the Present: A Cleavage Theory of Party Response to European Integration”
Gary Marks and Carole J. Wilson
British Journal of Political Science , Vol. 30, No. 3 (Jul., 2000), pp. 433-459
[5] “When Parties Matter: The Conditional Influence of Party Positions on Voter Opinions about European Integration”
Leonard Ray
The Journal of Politics, Vol. 65, No. 4 (Nov., 2003), pp. 978-994
[6] ibid.
[7] Pew Research Center. Polling in the EU. 29 May 2012. Raw data. Germany, Britain.
[8] European Commission. Standard Eurobarometer 77, May 2012. 2012. Raw data. United Kingdom.
[9] European Commission. Standard Eurobarometer 77, May 2012. 2012. Raw data. Germany.
[10] “Europe’s British Problem.” The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 17 Nov. 2012. Web.
[11] Policy Network. Britain and the survival of the European project. 03 May 2012. Raw data. London, United Kingdom.
[12] Osborn, Andrew, and Peter Griffiths. “Cameron Promises Britons Vote on EU Exit.”Reuters. Thomson Reuters, 23 Jan. 2013. Web. 11 Feb. 2013. <http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/23/us-britain-europe-idUSBRE90L16D20130123>.
[13] The Conservative Party. Conservatives – Policy: Europe. The Conservatives, 23 Jan. 2013. Web. <http://www.conservatives.com/Policy/Where_we_stand/Europe.aspx>.
[14] “Should Britain’s Government Offer an In-out Referendum on EU Membership?” The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 4 May 2012.
[15] Editorial Staff. “Germany and Europe: Reluctant Champions.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 20 Sept. 2012. Web.
